TEHRAN, Iran - Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad faced outrage at home Tuesday over the ambush-style dismissal of his longtime foreign minister, more evidence of a growing rift in Iran's conservative leadership just as Tehran reopens talks with world powers on its disputed nuclear program.
Iran's leaders tried to quiet the rumblings by insisting there was no fundamental policy shifts behind the surprise decision Monday to dump Manouchehr Mottaki while he was in the middle of a diplomatic mission to Senegal and appoint nuclear chief Ali Akbar Salehi interim foreign minister.
But the fallout from some top lawmakers and the media -- even one of Tehran's most hard-line newspapers -- pointed to bigger questions about growing splits between Ahmadinejad and rivals from within the country's conservative leadership who see the move as a presidential power grab and cronyism.
It also raises the possibility of new friction between Ahmadinejad and Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who holds ultimate power in the country and has clashed with the president over political appointments in the past.
"The dismissal of the foreign minister during a foreign mission will have a heavy price" for Iran's diplomacy, said Mohammad Karamirad, a member of parliament's influential National Security and Foreign Policy Committee.
Mottaki has made no public comment. But he returned to Iran Tuesday and was greeted at the foreign ministry by some staff in what appeared to be a show of support and a protest against his dismissal.
Divisions among Iran's conservative blocs have been evident since Ahmadinejad's disputed re-election last year -- which brought wide-ranging crackdowns on dissidents and marked a sharp rise in the influence of his main backers, the powerful Revolutionary Guard.
But the political dismay over Mottaki's forced exit suggests the fissures could be widening over complaints about Ahmadinejad's combative style and his attempts to keep power among a tight circle of loyalists.
It could leave Ahmadinejad more isolated as the ruling system confronts multiple challenges, including an economy stumbling under international sanctions and whether to continue defying Western demands to halt uranium enrichment -- the position that brought four rounds of sanctions on.
Uranium enrichment is the most contentious part of Iran's nuclear program. Uranium enriched to low levels can be used for nuclear power but enriched to higher levels it can be used to make nuclear weapons. The U.S. and its allies suspect Iran is aiming to make a nuclear weapon, a charge Iran denies.
Talks on the nuclear program between Iran and world powers, including the United States, resumed last week after a long hiatus and the next meeting is scheduled for early 2011.
Iran's foreign ministry spokesman, Ramin Mehmanparast, said placing nuclear chief Salehi as the country's top diplomat did not signal a change of course.
"With the change, we will not see any change in Iran's basic policies," including the nuclear talks, Mehmanparast told reporters in his weekly briefing.
He also stressed that all critical policy decisions come at "higher levels" than the foreign ministry -- a clear reference to the Supreme Council of National Security that includes Ahmadinejad and Khamenei, who has final say on all state matters.
But the foreign minister is still one of the main messengers and salesmen for Iran's views. The decision ahead is whether Mottaki's successor -- Salehi or another -- will reflect the more aggressive style favored by Ahmadinejad or a more measured tone as a counterbalance.
Ahmad Bakhshayesh, a professor of politics in Tehran University, said the shake-up indicates disputes over Iran's "tactics" on the world stage, but does not believe it will change its overall direction.
"Mottaki was committed to diplomatic dignities and did not follow the attitudes of Ahmadinejad," such as his anti-Western barbs, said Bakhshayesh.
Another Iranian analyst, Meir Javedanfar, believes Khamenei pushed for the change because he "expects tough times ahead" with nuclear talks and the prospect of more sanctions.
"He wanted to streamline the foreign policy issues by putting someone there who could work with Ahmadinejad, rather than someone who disagreed with him strongly," said Javedanfar, an Iranian-born political commentator now based in Israel.
Khamenei has not made any public comment on the issue.
Much of the domestic criticism dwelled on the apparent blow Ahmadinejad inflicted on Iran's image for pushing out Mottaki in the middle of a state trip.
"He was removed in the worst way and the result is that the world is making fun of us," parliament member Ghodratollah Alikhani was quoted by the conservative Tabnak website.
The hardline daily Kayhan -- normally a friendly voice for Ahmadinejad -- called it an "open insult" toward Mottaki, who had served under Ahmadinejad since his first Cabinet in 2005.
But tensions between them were apparent.
Mottaki challenged Ahmadinejad's plan to appoint his own special foreign envoys to key areas such as the Middle East, Afghanistan and the Caspian Sea region. Mottaki won that round after reportedly getting Supreme Leader Khamenei to intervene. Ahmadinejad eventually reclassified the envoy posts as advisers.
Mottaki also could have run afoul with Ahmadinejad's protectors, the Revolutionary Guard. Some hard-liners accused Mottaki as being weak in defending Iran against arms trafficking allegations by Nigeria, which has charged an Iranian and three Nigerian in connection with a weapons shipment uncovered in October.
Mottaki also faced similar claims that he was not forceful enough in opposing UN sanctions. Iran insists its nuclear program is only for energy and research.
Under Iran's constitution, the president is allowed to dismiss ministers and must submit the replacement nominee to parliament for approval within three months.
Conservative opponents hold a strong power base in parliament, led by speaker Ali Larijani, who is a close ally of Mottaki. It could make for a rough ride for Ahmadinejad's eventual choice.
